星期六, 12月 14, 2013

欢迎来到达兰萨拉:中国网络战的焦点

黑客图伯特(西藏)
欢迎来到达兰萨拉:中国网络战的焦点


原文:Hack Tibet--Welcome to Dharamsala, ground zero in China's cyberwar.
作者:Jonanthan Kaiman 发表于2013年12月4日
译者:推友 @yuhui926 译于2013年12月11日
来源:美国外交政策(Foreign Policy)
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/12/04/hack_tibet_china_cyberwar
中文转自:http://woeser.middle-way.net/2013/12/blog-post_12.html

达兰萨拉,印度—洛桑西绕嘉措(Lobsang Gyatso Sither)坐在一所图伯特学校礼堂的前面,来自他幻灯演示(PPT)的矩形光线微弱地照亮了他面前的数排学生。“除非你知道会收到附件,否则绝不要打开,”西绕说。学生们点头。讲台上挂着达赖喇嘛的肖像,肖像四周由摇曳的电子蜡烛围着;一只流浪犬在人群后漫步。“绝不要把密码给任何人,”西绕说,并点击下一张幻灯片,上面讲解了使用陌生U盘的危险。“中国政府或其他人可能会控制你的电脑。”

欢迎来到达兰萨拉,它的人口两万,是世界上被黑客入侵频率最高的地区之一。小城位于印度喜马拉雅郁郁葱葱的山麓,是图伯特流亡精神领袖达赖喇嘛的居住之处。那里也是CTA即“藏人行政中央”(之前称作“西藏流亡政府”),以及众多图伯特媒体机构和非政府组织的所在地,其中有一些非政府组织被中国政府划入恐怖团体。1959年,在共产党军队暴力镇压拉萨(如今中国西部的西藏自治区的首府)的一次起义后,达赖喇嘛逃到这里。印度热情接受了达赖喇嘛,作为(印度本国)多元宗教的标志,而成千上万的图伯特人跟随而至。根据2009年的一次统计,大约有十三万图伯特人流亡异乡,而达兰萨拉是他们所拥有的最接近政治首都的地方。

这座小城有着古老的气氛。人们的居所紧贴着穿过雪松密林的险峻山路;猕猴们在屋顶上昂首阔步。然而这小城也在朝着未来谨慎地变化与前行。电脑已经变得无处不在了。路边咖啡馆提供双倍意式浓缩咖啡与无线网络服务(密码普遍是“解放图伯特”与“独立”)。年轻的图伯特人抢购苹果手机,这款手机和市场上同类竞争产品的不同之处是它提供了图伯特语言(藏语)的键盘选项。

这座小城的图伯特社区与境内图伯特之间的交流变得前所未有的方便。然而给故乡拨打电话的风险也从未如此之高。“假如我们不使用通信安全通道,在境内图伯特的族人有可能会被指控因为向境外发送敏感信息而遭到起诉,”西绕说,他是图伯特行动中心的现场协调人,该中心总部设在纽约,资助教育项目并向活动人士提供安全通讯系统的训练。

在达兰萨拉既无处不在又无迹可寻的中国政府,以近乎无法被检测和难以追踪的手段设置恶意软件、拦截信息。藏人行政中央的中文网站在八月遭黑客袭击。在图伯特社区内的每个人都是目标,上至达赖喇嘛的办公室,下至任何一个使用智能手机的难民都不例外。

11月初,中共西藏自治区党委书记陈全国提出了一系列要让达赖喇嘛在图伯特“消声”的措施,包括对网络交流的控制打压。“努力实现……敌对势力和十四世达赖集团的声音形象听不到、看不到,” 他在共产党的领导刊物《求是》中这样写。

一种残酷的,有着几百年历史的古老抗议形式已经在图伯特兴起,北京同时采取了严酷高压与高科技的策略镇压动乱。自2009年2月始,至少有120多位图伯特人在喜马拉雅地区自焚以抗议中国的统治,当中有男有女,有长有幼,有僧有俗。中国当局对此暴力回应,部署军队,切断电话线,强迫僧人们经受严酷的“爱国主义教育”运动。他们将自焚事件归咎于“敌对外国势力”的煽动——主要是指达兰萨拉,当地的支持团体收集激烈的资费抗议信息并将信息传播到国外。专家们认为黑客袭击事件也许是详尽策划行动的一部分:为的是识别潜在抗议者,以图先发制人。

专家说,针对达兰萨拉的网络攻击中,很少是专门以监控或控制城市网络和基础设备为目标。最常见的网络攻击是鱼叉式网络钓鱼攻击:图伯特人,特别是那些为藏人行政中央或倾向独立组织工作的人说他们频繁收到声称是朋友或联系人的奇怪邮件。这些邮件通常包含附件,一旦下载,使用者电脑便会感染恶意软件,使得黑客可以远程控制系统。电脑本质上被共享了;关键词被记录,密码被保存,联系人被下载。一切都被入侵了。

藏人行政中央司政的前顾问吾嘎仓•格桑多杰(Kelsang Aukatsang),仍记得他意识到被黑客入侵时的震惊。2012年7月,吾嘎仓发送了一封电子邮件给美国参议员安排其与司政洛桑森格的会面。第二天早上,美国参议员接到了来自驻华盛顿中国大使馆的意外电话,力劝她不要参加。会面最终根据约定进行。“但更重要的是他们知道了这件事——交流信息被截获了,”吾嘎仓说。“你想知道为了感到安全还有什么是可以做的。那是一种切实的危机感,一种受到监视的感觉。”

图伯特流亡政府一半以上的电脑都含有某种恶意软件,新闻官员次仁旺久(Tsering Wangchuk)推测藏人行政中央一半以上的电脑都含有某种恶意软件,“达兰萨拉的多数重要电脑都被入侵了,”他说。13位政府技术人员花费大量时间,仅仅只是检查硬盘,寻找并删除恶意代码。“他们一直在警觉地追着我们,” 另一位要求匿名的政府职员说。“假如十万次尝试中他们成功了一次,他们便会乘此机会掠夺一切可能的信息。”

网络安全专家称此为“高级持续威胁”(APT)——一场有目的而持续的网络攻击,这种攻击需要动用个人黑客们普遍不具备的资源。“达兰萨拉的确是高级持续威胁的焦点,”Greg Walton说,他是牛津大学网络安全博士培养中心的博士候选人。Walton在2008年来到达兰萨拉,并帮助达赖喇嘛的私人办公室更好地明白是谁一直在入侵电脑系统。他的团队发现犯罪者是一个影子黑客团体,这个团体因其一系列的网络干扰行动被美国调查者们冠名“拜占庭冥神”。根据维基解密公布的美国国务院一份电报,这个团体与中国人民解放军(中国的军队)当中一个以中国西南的城市-成都为基地的部门有关联。

Walton说,许多设在达兰萨拉的图伯特非政府组织,都曾经被闻名于入侵西方公司、军商和政府部门的网络团体袭击。其中被美国麦迪安网络安全公司代号为“APT1”的团体,是一个附属于中国军队的精英网络间谍组织。另一个团体被网络安全公司赛门铁克公司予以代号“Nitro”, 据传曾在2011年盗窃全球大化学公司的秘密文件。“最悲观的看法是,流亡的图伯特人能做的微乎其微,因为他们资源贫瘠,”Walton说。“假如实际情况是连美国国务院五角大楼都被相同的网络团体所攻击,那么喜马拉雅山麓的难民们有什么解决这个问题的希望呢?”他描述来自中国的“高级持续威胁”(APT))策略如同汇集 “千粒沙,” 当中的一些信息,无论多小,都将是具有战略价值的。

也许对图伯特的网络安全更有害的威胁来自微信——一个包括Instagram, Skype和 Facebook特点的中国智能手机应用程序。其用户超过五亿,其中一亿在中国境外;作为难民联系家人的简捷方式,它近几年在达兰萨拉极为流行。“我这里所有的朋友都用微信,” 一位穿越喜马拉雅山脉逃到印度的22岁难民扎西朗杰(Tashi Nangyal)说。“因为在境内的图伯特族人们都在使用微信,我们没有想过使用别的。”

微信程序由总部在深圳的互联网帝国腾讯研发,如同中国所有的大网络公司,据传言,它和国家领导层有着密切的关系。“从图伯特公民社会的观点来看,微信本身就是一个恶意软件,非常恶毒的,”Walton说。“所有信息流量都通过上海,想必是导向了中国版的棱镜,”他补充,提到由爱德华·斯诺登揭露的美国国家安全局的高级机密监控程序。声援组织报道这个夏天,有两位西藏僧人因在微信上发布自焚者照片而被逮捕。其中一人被判处六年监禁;另一个很有可能将终身监禁。腾讯对此未有任何回应。

近几年,在达兰萨拉短期工作成了网络安全专家研究鲜为人知的网络攻击方式的热门途径,来自伯明翰大学的计算机科学家Shishir Nagaraja说,他曾协助达赖喇嘛的私人办公室。“你不需要花钱请人做这些事。剑桥一些头脑最聪明的人会很乐意为图伯特的网络自由权利与安全做出贡献,”他说。许多是年轻的、被工作的新奇所吸引的左倾理想主义者。然而“这是非常短暂的安排,”他说。大多数人只待两到三年,而中国的黑客攻击不会停止。

“我们十分脆弱,”总部在达兰萨拉的西藏之声主编丹增帕顿(Tenzin Paldon)说,西藏之声是一个通过短波播放图伯特新闻到中国的电台。帕顿的个人邮箱被黑客入侵;电台网站频繁遭到黑客攻击多次被瘫痪。然而帕顿拒绝被吓到。假如图伯特人继续自焚,她说,她将持续报道他们的故事。“我认为把这些人做了什么,并且为什么做这些事传给外面的世界是我们的责任。”

与此同时,达兰萨拉的图伯特社区开始形成初步的防御措施。在三月,网络激进分子推出了一个叫“牦牛聊”(YakChat)的安全可靠的图伯特语信息应用程序。图伯特流亡政府近期获得了一笔资金用于铺设新电缆,更新服务器和训练新员工,消息人士说,固然相关细节都不会透露。

“我们现在尝试做的是为图伯特人提供更多成为网络安全专家的机会,”牛津大学研究人员Walton说。在西绕举行讲座的图伯特儿童村校园中,许多学生將会参加支持非政府组织的活动;一些人将加入藏人行政中央。他们大多数都是第一次学习有关网络安全的知识,而专家希望课程会产生影响。“这是一个逐步的过程,教会人们保护隐私。互联网在他们生活中是一件相当新的事物,”学校电脑课程的领导平措多吉(Phuntsok Dorje)说。

西绕结束幻灯演示的时候,已接近黄昏,学生们陆续走出礼堂,走进清凉、潮湿的雨季空气中。22岁的难民朗杰说,学生不允许在校园携带手机,他只能在假期联系家人。讲座使他开始反思。“我之前会在微信上谈论尊者达赖喇嘛,”他皱着眉说。我问他现在是否理解中国有可能会窃听。他说,他也许会下载韩国的通信应用,要让他的交流信息的通讯更难以被追踪。或者,今后他将更谨慎小心地说话。
__________________________

Hack Tibet
Welcome to Dharamsala, ground zero in China's cyberwar.


BY JONATHAN KAIMAN DECEMBER 4, 2013
 
DHARAMSALA, India — Lobsang Gyatso Sither sits at the front of a Tibetan school auditorium, the bright rectangle of his PowerPoint presentation dimly illuminating the first few rows of students before him. "Never open attachments unless you are expecting them," Sither says. The students nod. A portrait of the Dalai Lama hangs above the stage, framed by flickering electronic candles; a stray dog ambles behind the crowd. "Never give anyone else your passwords," Sither says, clicking to a new slide, which explains the dangers of using an unfamiliar thumb drive. "The Chinese government or others could take control of your computer."

Welcome to Dharamsala, population 20,000 and one of the most hacked places in the world. This small city in India's lush Himalayan foothills is home to the Dalai Lama, the exiled Tibetan spiritual leader; the Central Tibetan Administration, or CTA (formerly called the Tibetan government in exile); and a host of Tibetan media outlets and nongovernmental organizations, some of which the Chinese government classifies as terrorist groups. The Dalai Lama fled here in 1959 after communist troops violently suppressed an uprising in Lhasa, now the capital of western China's Tibetan Autonomous Region. India embraced the Dalai Lama as a token of religious diversity, and tens of thousands of refugees followed suit. About 130,000 Tibetans live in exile, according to a 2009 census; Dharamsala is the closest thing they have to a political capital.

The city has an ancient feel. Homes cling to precipitous mountain roads that weave through dense cedar forests; macaque monkeys prance among the rooftops. Yet it is changing, moving cautiously into the future. Computers have become ubiquitous. Roadside cafes offer double espressos and wireless Internet (common passwords include "FreeTibet" and "Independence"). Young Tibetans are snapping up iPhones, which, unlike competing devices, offer the option of a Tibetan-language keyboard.

Communication between the city's Tibetan community and Tibet itself is easier than it has ever been. Yet the risk of dialing home has never been greater. "If we don't use secure lines of communication, Tibetans in Tibet could be prosecuted" for sending sensitive information abroad, says Sither, a field coordinator for the Tibet Action Institute, a New York-based nonprofit that sponsors education initiatives and trains activists on secure communications systems.

The Chinese government is everywhere and nowhere in Dharamsala, planting malware and intercepting messages in ways that are nearly undetectable and difficult to trace. The CTA's Chinese-language website was hacked in August. Everyone within the Tibetan community is a target, from the Dalai Lama's advisors to any smartphone-wielding refugee.

In early November, Tibet's Communist Party chief, Chen Quanguo, proposed a raft of measures to stamp out the Dalai Lama's voice in Tibet, including clamping down on online communications. "Work hard to ensure … that the voice and image of the enemy forces and the Dalai clique are neither seen nor heard," he wrote in Qiushi, a leading party journal.

A brutal, centuries-old form of protest has caught fire in Tibet, and Beijing is resorting to tactics both heavy-handed and high-tech to quell the unrest. Since February 2009, at least 120 Tibetans in the Himalayan region have self-immolated to protest Chinese rule -- men and women, old and young, monks and lay people. Chinese authorities have responded violently, deploying troops, cutting phone lines, and forcing monks to undergo draconian "patriotic education" programs. They blame "hostile foreign forces" for inciting the immolations -- mainly from Dharamsala, where advocacy groups gather information about the fiery protests and distribute that information abroad. Experts say that the hacks may be part of an elaborate campaign to identify possible protests and preempt them.

Few cyberattacks on Dharamsala are strategically tailored to monitor or control the city's network infrastructure, say experts. The most common attacks are spearphishing attempts: Tibetans, especially those working for the CTA or pro-independence organizations, say they frequently receive strange emails purporting to be from friends or associates. They often contain attachments that, once downloaded, infect the user's computer with malware, allowing a hacker to operate the system remotely. The computer essentially becomes shared; keystrokes are recorded, passwords saved, contacts downloaded. Everything is compromised.

Kelsang Aukatsang, a former advisor to the Tibetan prime minister in exile, remembers the shock of realizing that he'd been hacked. In July 2012, Aukatsang sent an email to a U.S. senator to arrange a meeting for the prime minister, Lobsang Sangay. The following morning, the senator received a surprise call from the Chinese Embassy in Washington, urging her not to attend. The meeting ultimately proceeded as planned. "But the bigger point is that they knew -- that exchange got intercepted," Aukatsang said. "You wonder what more you can do to feel safe. There's a real sense of being at risk, of being watched."
MORE THAN HALF THE CTA'S COMPUTERS contain some sort of malware, estimates the government in exile's press officer, Tsering Wangchuk. "Most of the key computers in our city, in Dharamsala, are in some way compromised," he says. The administration's technical staff of 13 spends much of its time simply trawling through hard disks, finding and eliminating malicious code. "They go after us all the time, diligently," said another administration employee who requested anonymity. "If with every 100,000 attempts they have one success, they use that one success to exploit everything that they can."

Cybersecurity experts call this "advanced persistent threat" (APT) -- a constant onslaught of targeted attacks requiring resources that are normally unavailable to individual hackers. "Dharamsala is ground zero for advanced persistent threat, really," says Greg Walton, a doctoral candidate at Oxford University's Center for Doctoral Training in Cyber Security. Walton traveled to Dharamsala in 2008 to help the Dalai Lama's private office better understand what, and who, had been compromising its systems. His team discovered that the most likely culprit was a shadowy hacker group responsible for a series of network intrusions that American investigators had dubbed "Byzantine Hades." The group, according to U.S. State Department cables released by WikiLeaks, had ties to a unit of the People's Liberation Army, China's military, based in the southwestern Chinese city of Chengdu.

Many Dharamsala-based Tibetan NGOs, Walton says, have been attacked by groups that are better known for infiltrating Western corporations, military contractors, and government agencies. One, dubbed "APT1" by cybersecurity firm Mandiant, is an elite cyber-espionage outfit affiliated with the Chinese military. Another group is a corporate espionage unit that allegedly stole secret documents and formulas from major global chemical companies in 2011 in an attack campaign dubbed "Nitro" by computer security firm Symantec. "In the most pessimistic light, there's very little that the Tibetans can do in exile, because they're so underresourced," says Walton. "If you have a situation where the State Department or the Pentagon is being compromised by the same groups, what hope do refugees in the foothills of the Himalayas have to deal with that problem?" He describes China's APT strategy as gathering "a thousand grains of sand," hoping that some piece of information, no matter how small, will bear strategic value.

PERHAPS AN EVEN MORE PERNICIOUS THREAT to Tibetan cybersecurity is WeChat, a Chinese smartphone app that combines features from Instagram, Skype, and Facebook. The program has more than 500 million users, with 100 million of them outside China; its popularity has exploded in Dharamsala over the past few years as an easy way for refugees to contact relatives back home. "All of my friends here use WeChat," says Tashi Nangyal, a 22-year-old Tibetan refugee who fled to India on foot across the Himalayas. "Since Tibetans inside Tibet are all using WeChat, we don't think of using any alternatives."

The program was developed by Tencent, a Shenzhen-based Internet empire that, like all major Chinese Internet companies, is rumored to enjoy close ties to the country's leadership. "From Tibetan civil society's point of view, WeChat is itself malware -- it's malicious," says Walton. "All of the traffic is being channeled through Shanghai. It's presumably being piped into China's equivalent of PRISM," he adds, referring to the U.S. National Security Agency's top-secret surveillance program, which was exposed by leaker Edward Snowden. Advocacy groups reported this summer that two monks in Tibetan areas of China were arrested after posting pictures of self-immolation protests to WeChat. One received a six-year prison sentence; the other will likely spend the rest of his life in jail. Tencent did not reply to a request for comment.

In recent years, short stints in Dharamsala have become a popular way for security experts to analyze little-known cyberattacks, says Shishir Nagaraja, a computer scientist at the University of Birmingham who has also aided the Dalai Lama's private office. "You don't have to pay people for this stuff. Some of the brightest minds at Cambridge will be more than happy to contribute to securing the Tibetans' Internet freedom rights," he says. Many are young, left-leaning idealists who are attracted by the novelty of the job. Yet "it's a very temporary arrangement," he said. Most stay for only two or three years, while China's hacking never ends.

"We are very vulnerable," says Tenzin Paldon, the Dharamsala-based editor in chief of Voice of Tibet, a radio station that broadcasts Tibet news into China via shortwave radio. Paldon's personal email account has been hacked; the broadcaster's website has been crippled repeatedly. Yet Paldon refuses to be cowed. If Tibetans continue to self-immolate, she says, she will continue to report their stories. "I think it's our duty to spread the word about what these people did, and why they're doing it, to the outside world."
Meanwhile, Dharamsala's Tibetan community has formed an incipient defense. In March, cyberactivists launched a secure Tibetan-language messaging application called YakChat. And the Tibetan government in exile recently procured a grant to lay new cables, update its servers, and train new staff, sources say, though they're keeping the details under wraps.

"What we're trying to do now is provide more opportunities for Tibetans themselves to become experts in cybersecurity," says Walton, the Oxford researcher. Many students at the Tibetan Children's Village, the leafy school campus where Sither gave his presentation, will go on to work in advocacy NGOs; some will join the CTA. Most are learning about cybersecurity for the first time, and experts hope that the lessons will resonate. "It's a gradual process, teaching people to guard their privacy. The Internet is quite a new thing in their lives," said Phuntsok Dorje, the head of the school's computer program.
IT'S TWILIGHT BY THE TIME SITHER FINISHES his PowerPoint presentation, and the students file out of the auditorium and into the cool, damp air of the rainy season. Nangyal, the 22-year-old refugee, says that students are not allowed to keep phones on campus and that he can only contact his family on holidays. The assembly has made him reflective. "I used to talk about His Holiness the Dalai Lama on WeChat," he says, his brow furrowed. I ask him whether he now understands that the Chinese may be listening in. Maybe he'll download a Korean messaging app, he offers, to make his communications less traceable. Or maybe, from now on, he'll just be more careful about what he says.

一个藏族党员的公开信:他一到阿坝就带来了天灾与人祸

作者:罗枫
来源:http://woeser.middle-way.net/2012/02/blog-post_18.html
转贴注:此文最早发表于网易论坛,时间是2012-02-14,现已被删,此为网络快照。



——————————————————

尊敬的领导:

您好!您若能在百忙中看完这封信的话,是阿坝各族人民的幸事。因为我要向您反映的是一个事关阿坝大局的人物侍俊同志的问题。

他一到阿坝就带来了天灾与人祸,天灾与他无关,但人祸对他来讲是脱不了干系的,因为这与他极左的思想和所言所行有很大的关系。所以民间对他有种种说法,有些并非没有道理。有人说他是“魔主”,为使自己升官,把小事搞大,好捞功劳,把寺庙护法神殿中的烂枪锈刀(千百年来藏区有放下屠刀把刀枪交给寺院表示不再作恶的习俗)论为反共藏独用具,事实上,藏区百姓是最感恩共产党的,而后他就收不了口子,民间比喻说:三步一岗五步一哨的做法好像是伊拉克,工作组人员比和尚还多的做法好像是文革,老百姓在枪口下生活的做法好像利比亚。一年又一年失去自由而没有发展的生活让那些单纯的牧民失去希望,所以,尽管我们在牧区做了很多富民安康的工作,牧区依然还有一小戳人要迎合境外唆使,我们州称之为“烧烤”的事件依然不绝,而且越来越多,由和尚发展为尼姑,由僧侣发展为一般俗人。除境外势力外,内部原因没有人好好研究分析,大量的工作组没有起到实质性作用究竟原因何在?他为了自己今年五月份的升迁,再次大打人海战术,搞了阿坝州建州以来第一次全州干部大年初一上班的先例。只要他的思想不变,方法不变,感情不变,态度不变,继续粗造行事,阿坝难以安宁,寺庙难以祥和。

他的用人方式让阿坝州的各族各界人士感到匪夷所思、不可理喻。民间有种说法,说阿坝县的维稳工作交给两个“疯子”管,越管越疯。一个是严春风副州长是5.12后我州招考的城市规划人才,他对民族地区一无所知,对宗教政策和问题一片空白,对藏区百姓毫无感情,对藏族语言更是纯属无知,因此,他管维稳纯属瞎指挥,洋相百出,越说越瓜,越干越乱。另一个“疯子”是刘峰,格尔登寺管理处处长,也和春风一样一片空白,只会算计不会安抚。

对他的用人方法民间还有一种说法叫提枪打仗(提羌打藏)。他把对3.14打砸份子的恨转移到藏族干部和百姓身上,整下课了一批干部,凉拌了一批干部,同时扶持和培养了一批羌干充实到各县和各单位,全然忘记了59%藏族、18%羌族的州情,就像是忘记了94%的汉族是我们的国情一样。所以民间说,藏族干部倒在了侍俊手上,羌族干部倒在了重建上。其实,他对羌族干部的偏爱,不仅来自于羌区灾后重建给他添了脸面、树了政绩,更重要的是来自于一个被称为羌王的人——谷运龙,谷掌管的阿坝州的企业被称为谷氏企业,谷也插手灾后重建项目,他们俩利益均分,成为一条船上的人,所以他处处维护谷,听从谷,很多方面连吴州长都板不过谷,在关键人事上侍俊要用谷的人而不用吴州长的人,吴只能满腹牢骚别无他法,因为吴州长清楚他作为藏族惹不起侍俊,一句“有藏族情结、有民族情绪”就会把它和其他人一样打入地狱。他对上,装得很民主很亲民,其实是会上不许有不同声音,会上一套,会下一套,对下是明显歧视,公开场合就说过藏族人张牙舞爪,愚昧无知。

可以说他在政治上搞两面派,官场上搞权术,经济上掺假水,文化上搞摧毁,信仰上搞强制,这一切都是为他自己上省级领导而服务的:

——用人上用了谷,就把多年来的两面性暴露无遗,他推荐谷做副书记,就得罪了陈钢,最为最老的州委常委,论资排辈都该他了,但安排去政协,非常不满。杨克林作为多年政法委书记,出生入死,维稳功不可没,但否定了他,他现在也公开唱反调了。金吉昌作为统战部部长、州委秘书长,3.14以来深入虎穴广做安抚,鞍前马后搞服务工作,但也不推荐他,他也大发牢骚,张万平……常委中没人真正服他,满意的人只有谷运龙一人。这样的班长带出的班子还有什么凝聚力和战斗力可言?民间对他的评论是:能力不如黄新初,精力不如李崇喜,魅力不如欧泽高,魄力不如泽巴足。而如今换届下来的州级领导班子是历届最弱的班子,论经验、资历、水平、能力、综合素质除一两个人还受公认外,干部百姓普遍不看好,有多年地方工作经验的本土老将要么到政协要么放在部门不提拔,这些年富力强的本地干部,除了困惑外,意见很大,无心做事。事实上,侍俊根本不信任本地干部,连他的秘书和驾驶员都是从外地带来,州委部门能招考的全是外地干部,空降干部、外地干部、假藏、假羌充实各个部门和地方,我州的州情还没有发展到汉语干部就可以独当一面服务好一方百姓的程度,而且民族区域自治制度也对干部任用有要求,我们州现在是需要双语干部,维稳中这个问题就明显暴露出来,双语干部在维稳中工作优势和工作效果都明显,但是它不提拔双语干部,不重用双语干部,年前先后提拔的600多名干部中,双语干部不到20人。本地干部除了干活没有什么希望可期,这种情况下,本地干部除了情绪和牢骚外还能往肚子里装什么?

——经济上的各项指标都有水分,GDP、农牧民收入、旅游手收入、灾后重建等,都围绕自己的政绩注了水,就连财政收入、税收收入都加了水。他到阿坝,干部群众最大的提高就是学会了作假。

——要说最大的破坏,就是对藏族文化的破坏。提羌打藏的最大表现也在这上面。首先是把州委、政府分管文化教育的安排为两个羌族,州委陈钢,州政府刘文芝,在他们的精心安排下,撤并转了一批藏区中小学,安排许多学生到茂县羌区学习。侍俊和谷运龙把草地人和马尔康中等民族师范学校列为最不稳定的人群和学校,维稳大会小会指出来说,虽说有事实依据,但他们的负面情绪极大地影响了民族关系,在一定程度上制造了藏羌矛盾。藏族人变成州里千夫所指的人群,就像一度在内地大城市里出现过的畏藏、歧藏事件一样,阿坝州的干部群众对藏区和藏人的这种畏藏、歧藏事件一样,阿坝州的干部群众对藏区和藏人的这种畏、歧指向也非常明显,没有原则和没有感情的非藏干部对州里的敏感事件的反应是“烧光才好”“全部枪毙”之类。藏羌民族干部利益分割势力突出,民族矛盾深化。第二全州除茂县是纯羌区外,汶川有藏羌各三分之一,他却要把汶川打造成羌城,同时,把映秀、水磨等历史上的藏区改为羌区,用所谓的“唯一性”来篡改历史,老百姓说,瓦斯土司在汶川有史可查的600年统治全部烟消云散焚尸灭迹了。第三,沿路所有的标示标牌都写成是“某某羌寨”,而所有的藏寨都基本不用“藏寨”两个字。给人的感觉是走进了阿坝就走进了羌区,殊不知阿坝州13个县中有10个是纯藏区,汶川、理县两个藏羌县,只有茂县才是羌族县。第四,其他县想改头换面成羌族县,比如九寨沟,应说是99%的藏族,但他却在九寨天堂建所谓的羌城,编一套节目把九寨说成是羌女的后人,这与谷运龙一批所谓羌人弘扬羌文化理念不无关系,滑稽至此,令人啼笑。根据旅行社反映,对“藏谜”这样被文化部评为全国十大精品文化节目的剧团,却想方设法进行打压,主要是为了保护他们认可的羌族文化人才旺斌所经营剧团的利益,就好比是五星级酒店要与鸡毛店强制搞成一个价一样。这样的文化产业怎么搞得好呢?他对文化上假大空的东西却是盛赞有佳,一张白纸好画图,把民族文化建立在空中楼阁,阿坝州被吹捧出来的文化仿佛在演绎穿越剧。第五,经常把阿坝“藏族羌族”自治州说成“羌族藏族”自治州,把“藏乡羌寨”说成“羌乡藏寨”,把哈达放在羌红里面,这种说法和行为绝不是口误和无意而是故意为之。第六,凡穿藏装的人都进不了州委、州政府大门,凡说藏话的人都成怀疑对象,他认为藏装只能出现在舞台和戏剧里,否则就有二心。

这一系列行为,使省委、省政府在藏区搞的牧民定居新生活、综合防治大骨节病等牧区的惠民工程大打折扣,也使欧泽高、李崇喜、黄新初等历届领导打下的良好基础受到影响,更影响到中央、省对藏区工作一件的具体实施,其后果是民族地区稳定、团结、和谐、发展没有得到有效实现。

写信人:罗枫

星期一, 12月 09, 2013

西藏阿坝格德主寺创立600周年纪念活动在达萨举行

时间:2012-05-05
来源:西藏之声
http://www.vot.org/cn/%E8%A5%BF%E8%97%8F%E9%98%BF%E5%9D%9D%E6%A0%BC%E5%BE%B7%E4%B8%BB%E5%AF%BA%E5%88%9B%E7%AB%8B600%E5%91%A8%E5%B9%B4%E7%BA%AA%E5%BF%B5%E6%B4%BB%E5%8A%A8%E5%9C%A8%E8%BE%BE%E8%90%A8%E4%B8%BE%E8%A1%8C/#more-10649

【西藏之声5月5日报导】位于西藏安多阿坝州境内的格鲁派最大寺院格德寺(又称格尔登寺)创立600周年纪念活动于今天(5日)在印度北部达兰萨拉的格德寺中隆重举行。

藏传佛教格鲁派座主甘丹赤巴日宗·赛仁波切,格德寺寺主格德仁波切,色拉寺祥萨仁波切,
西藏上密院住持为首的附近各寺院住持和堪布,西藏人民议会议员,非官方性组织代表,以及僧俗民众等上千人参与了今天的纪念活动。

主要嘉宾甘丹法座日宗·赛仁波切在纪念活动上表示,(录音)当前在西藏境内,佛法正处于衰退的状态下,而有幸的是在境外,由于达赖喇嘛尊者的正确教导下得以延续和弘扬。此外,在中国、西藏、蒙古和喜马拉雅区域的僧侣人数也在急剧下降,其主要原因是人们对佛法的不了解和盲目信仰导致,因此,佛教僧尼加强学习佛法理论知识,并教导大众正确认识佛法是极为重要的。

西藏格德寺寺主第十一世杰尊洛桑丹增·晋美益西嘉措仁波切在纪念活动上详细介绍了西藏格鲁派创始人宗喀巴大师的心传弟子第一世绒青·根登坚参于公元1412年创建第一座格德寺尕拉日·扎西楞珠林寺,开始弘扬佛法及普度众生的伟大业绩。格德仁波切表示,在宗教方面,格德寺虽是格鲁派寺院,但其分寺弘扬宁玛、觉囊、萨迦、噶举和奔波等各教派传承,一直以来,各教派都很和睦相处;在环境保护方面,格德寺一直倡导藏人禁止砍伐森林和乱挖虫草,保护野生动植物;此外格德寺还时常教导藏人加强学习文化知识、停止打架斗殴,并为化解草场纠纷和个人恩怨等方面起到了不可估量的作用。

格德寺仁波切强调,(录音)今天在西藏境内肯定会有很多人正在关注这边的纪念活动,因此,想借用这一机会,再次呼吁各寺院住持、堪布和僧尼,做一名道德品行优良、贫困好学的合格佛教僧尼,同时,也想呼吁民众把所学到的佛法知识运用到实际行动中,尤其在我们的家乡,藏汉两族共同居住在一起,因此,相互间要彼此尊重和和睦相处是极为重要的,因为汉人和藏人都想得到幸福和快乐,所以和谐与团结是创造幸福的前提。

格德仁波切于今天早上8点钟接受本台专访时表示,保护和发扬西藏文化与宗教传承,每个藏人都有责任,尤其是佛教僧尼,因此,在将来加强对佛法理论和经典著作的学习和研究,努力为藏人和毗邻中国大陆的上亿人民进行服务是非常重要的。

据了解,西藏安多阿坝格德寺(又称格德勒谢林),公元1412年在阿坝县茸安乡境内创建,格德寺兼修藏传佛教显宗、密宗教法,由闻思辩经学院、续部学院、时轮学院和医学院四个扎仓修习专业组成,格德寺共有20多座直属分寺,在西藏境内大约有5000多名僧人,而位于印度达兰达拉的格德寺共有150多名僧人。

Crisis at Kirti Monastery intensifies

来源:https://www.savetibet.org/crisis-at-kirti-monastery-intensifies-rare-public-statements-by-lama-in-exile/

Crisis at Kirti Monastery intensifies: rare public statements by lama in exile

International Campaign for Tibet on April 13, 2011


As the crisis at Kirti monastery in Ngaba intensifies, exile lama Kirti Rinpoche has made rare public statements addressed to the Chinese authorities and the people of Ngaba, both published in full below.

Local people in Ngaba who had gathered at Kirti monastery in an attempt to prevent monks being taken away to a prison for ‘re-education’ remain in serious danger today as troops closed in and the lockdown at the monastery continues. Ngaba people had gathered at the monastery yesterday (April 12) after the authorities announced that monks between the ages of 18-40 would be taken away to be “re-educated”. Troops have been posted at hospitals in the county, creating further anxiety of a deepening crackdown.

According to Tibetans in exile in contact with people in the area, Ngaba people successfully blocked a number of military vehicles from entering the monastery yesterday (April 12), but police responded by severely beating many, and setting dogs on the crowd. In an atmosphere of escalating tension, police blocked traffic in Ngaba town, and some children attending schools in the town were prevented from returning home to outlying villages. (ICT report, Protests, tensions escalate in Ngaba following self-immolation of monk: Kirti monastery under lockdown).

Some local people slept on the road near the main gate of the monastery last night, according to the same sources in exile. A monk in exile who is in contact with people in Ngaba, a Tibetan area of Sichuan, said: “The authorities sent many police officers and a large number of soldiers into the area, and they conducted house to house investigation in Ngaba county and surrounding settlements such as Gabma Dewa (a pastoral community). They questioned each household about the number of household members, their present whereabouts, whether all the people present were members of that household, and so on.” 



The same source said that as a result a number of Tibetans were detained, following other arrests and disappearances over the past two weeks, although full details are not known. A Tibetan in contact with others in the area said: “Everyone is terrified of being taken away by police in the middle of the night.” Reports that two women died of their injuries after being beaten by police could not immediately be confirmed.

In a statement to the Chinese authorities, Kirti Rinpoche, who is based in exile in Dharamsala, India, said today: “Armed troops in conjunction with government officials are currently enforcing a brutal clampdown on Kirti monastery in Ngaba, depriving it of all freedom and reducing it to desperation, and it is out of the suffering and frustration so caused that we seek to address you now.”



Kirti Rinpoche, Rongpo Choje Kirti Tulku, the lama of Kirti monastery in exile, also stated: “The present policy being implemented in minority regions belongs to the discredited old approach from the era of ‘class struggle’. It must be realised that the people cannot be controlled merely through economic growth and state propaganda. If it is not grasped that the era of ‘power comes from the barrel of a gun’ has passed, if those in power continue to misapprehend the changed situation and persist with that philosophy, far from achieving success, it will naturally lead only to a growing confrontation between rulers and ruled and continuing crisis, and it is with the broader interests of the Chinese state and people in mind that we appeal for preventive measures to be taken against this eventuality.”

In his statement to the people of Ngaba, Kirti Rinpoche appeals to Tibetans to continue to practice non-violence, even though “The ongoing repression of ordinary people, both monks and laity, driven by desperation into confrontation with the Chinese army is indeed hard to bear”. Following the initial crackdown in March/April 2008, Kirti monks in Tibet dictated a letter to fellow monks in exile, saying: “Too much for our hearts to hear about, and too much for our eyes to witness”. (ICT report, Tibet at a Turning Point)



There has been a deepening climate of fear in Ngaba Tibetan and Qiang Autonomous Prefecture in Sichuan (the Tibetan area of Amdo), as a result of a worsening crackdown by the authorities following the self-immolation and death of a young monk called Phuntsog from Kirti monastery on March 16. Phuntsog chose this date to make his protest as it was the third anniversary of a major protest in Ngaba in 2008, when monks were joined by laypeople and schoolchildren in calling for a free Tibet, with pictures of the Dalai Lama and Tibetan flags on display. The protests were met by a violent crackdown by the authorities, in which at least ten Tibetans were shot dead. In subsequent raids on the monastery, photos of the Dalai Lama and other senior religious figures were stamped upon, torn or shot at by armed police, and monks were compelled to under ‘patriotic education.’

Over the past few days, Kirti has been under lockdown, with a new barbed wire fence and wall being built around the back of the monastic complex, and armed troops within the compound preventing monks from leaving and food from being delivered.



According to Kirti monks in exile, local people were concerned to hear reports that space had been made for hundreds of monks at a prison in the southern part of Ngaba prefecture. The term used by the authorities when taking monks away from their monastery for re-education in a detention facility is to ‘go for study.’

There are precedents to mass numbers of monks being taken into detention “for study” in Tibet – in April 2008, armed police raided Lhasa’s three main monasteries, Sera, Drepung and Ganden, already under lockdown following the beginning of major protests on March 10 that year, and took away hundreds of monks. At least 600 monks were taken from Drepung at dawn on April 25, 2008, some with black hoods over their heads. Many of them were taken to Golmud (Chinese: Ge’ermu) in Qinghai by train and held in a military prison where Tibetan teachers were required to carry out ‘rule of law education classes’. Often monks with medical conditions were not treated and others suffered severe anxiety and trauma due to the conditions of virtual imprisonment; their families and friends had no idea of their whereabouts, or even whether they had were still alive, for several months. A Drepung monk held in custody at Golmud at this time composed a song based on a popular folk song, including the following lyrics: “The weary gloom of anguish has set in./O Sun! Come forth with speed!/O Sun! We cannot wait much longer!/My karmic destiny shaped in past lives/Has rendered this youth a victim of circumstance./In the Three Seats of learning of the U-Tsang region [Drepung, Sera and Ganden/There’s no freedom of movement.” (ICT report, A Great Mountain Burned by Fire).



——————————————————

Statements by Kirti Rinpoche

The full text of both statements issued today by Kirti Rinpoche, translated into English from Tibetan by ICT, follow below.



Statement by the lama of Kirti monastery in exile to the people of Ngaba

Rongpo Choje Kirti Tulku
Losang Tendzin Jigme Yeshe Gyatso

Dear and beloved co-religionists in Ngaba prefecture and especially Ngaba county, with constant anxiety over the serious incidents taking place in the region, I offer condolences to the relatives and children of those killed or injured, and make prayers and invocations that the deceased may once again be reborn as humans with sound faculties and personal freedom able to find the Buddhist teachings, that the afflictions of the wounded will swiftly heal, that the imprisoned may soon get out of jail, and that the people as a whole, lay and monastic, may soon be released from the dreadful suffering of living in a state of terror. 



At the same time, I have called upon the leaders of the Peoples Republic of China, and concerned officials in the Sichuan province, Ngaba prefecture and Ngaba county governments to put a stop to their unchecked intimidation, repression, duplicity and harassment in the region. The ongoing repression of ordinary people, both monks and laity, driven by desperation into confrontation with the Chinese army is indeed hard to bear, but I appeal to you consider that confrontation simply heaps even more suffering on ourselves, and to frame whatever action you take within the parameters of nonviolence.

For another confrontation in which more people are killed and wounded not to take place, I call on everyone to stick as much as they can to a peaceful approach by keeping their temper. That is my request, please consider it.

——————————————

Holder of the title ‘Incarnate Lama of Kirti monastery’Noble land of India,

April 13, 2011

Statement to the leaders of the Peoples Republic of China, and concerned officials of the Sichuan province, Ngaba Tibetan and Qiang Autonomous Prefecture and Ngaba county

Whether on the orders of the central government or not, armed troops in conjunction with government officials are currently enforcing a brutal clampdown on Kirti monastery in Ngaba, depriving it of all freedom and reducing it to desperation, and it is out of the suffering and frustration so caused that we seek to address you now.



The harassment of Kirti monastery and the community, both monastic and lay, with constant intimidation and a variety of false pretexts will not yield any positive results and we hope that it will be swiftly curtailed. The cause of the incidents arising there is the dissatisfaction of the people with the behaviour of the Chinese government, but the false representations of the situation made to the higher levels of government are only increasing the alienation between the people and government. Is this not a serious violation of the ‘Harmonious Society’ initiative of which President Hu Jintao has spoken?

The realisation of this initiative depends upon closer relations between the people and the government. Levelling serious political allegations at any opportunity, and meting out punishments like death sentences and life imprisonment, pretending to do so as loyal servants of the state while only heightening the public’s sense of grievance and driving them to desperation is a way to precipitate confrontation between the government and the people, and it must be realised that those civil and military officials responsible are not doing so out of duty to the Party or nation, but out of their own selfish and corrupt interests.



The senior leadership must find the courage to accept that constant repression born of suspicion and the attempt to enforce ‘Harmony’ with the power of the gun cannot address the real situation. Even animals respond positively to gentle treatment rather than brute force.

Just as no-one can change the course of the planets and stars, so the evolution of social attitudes across the world cannot be stopped, and if instead of thinking only of their own power, and by respecting the groundswell of public opinion, those in authority could find the courage to consider the public interest and the need for reform, and defuse the potential for conflict by peaceful means, it is in the nature of things that relations between people and government will grow closer and a ‘Harmonious Society’ can become a reality.



If the leaders are unable to trust the people and respond only with repression, the peoples’ sense of grievance will worsen, and lead only to confrontation, negating any prospect of ‘Harmony’, so we call for the cessation of such brutal methods nationwide, and especially in the ethnic minority regions. There are not enough prisons or soldiers in the land to maintain such a course indefinitely.

The present policy being implemented in minority regions belongs to the discredited old approach from the era of ‘class struggle’. It must be realised that the people cannot be controlled merely through economic growth and state propaganda.



If it is not grasped that the era of “Power comes from the barrel of a gun” has passed, if those in power continue to misapprehend the changed situation and persist with that philosophy, far from achieving success, it will naturally lead only to a growing confrontation between rulers and ruled and continuing crisis, and it is with the broader interests of the Chinese state and people in mind that we appeal for preventive measures to be taken against this eventuality.

In keeping with His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s vision that the ‘Middle Way’ approach is the only way to ensure the nation’s long term stability, we appeal for the resumption of negotiations between Tibetan representatives and the central government without further delay.
 


The Lama of Kirti monastery in exile
April 13, 2011

守法持戒才是正道——刘奇葆在阿坝县格尔登寺调研记

来源:四川日报 2012年02月24日 星期五
http://sichuandaily.scol.com.cn/2012/02/24/20120224411374089566.htm

“我们一切依法,法是国家的意志。寺庙只有守法持戒,走的才是正道,才有前程。”这是2月20日省委书记、省人大常委会主任刘奇葆在阿坝州阿坝县格尔登寺调研时掷地有声的话语。

听说省委书记要来寺庙调研,格尔登寺的洞沟活佛以及索朗降木措等寺管会成员手捧洁白的哈达,早早地站在寺庙大门外迎候。刘奇葆刚一下车,寺庙的僧人就快步迎上前来,为刘奇葆献上哈达,双手合十,躬身行礼。刘奇葆说:藏历新年就要到了,祝大家新年快乐,扎西德勒!

在洞沟活佛等寺庙僧人的陪同下,刘奇葆缓步走进寺庙,一边走一边打量这座已有140多年历史的寺庙。

当听到洞沟活佛介绍说,当地政府对寺庙的基础设施建设给予了不少支持,寺庙的硬件环境有很大的改善和提高,还解决了僧人的低保、社保等问题时,刘奇葆说,我们国家宗教政策的核心,一是依法保障宗教信仰自由,二是依法管理宗教事务。在今天的藏区,除了对共产党员有无神论的要求外,不反对任何人信教。对寺庙正常的宗教活动,对信教群众正常的宗教需求,政府都是支持和保障的。

在格尔登寺寺庙社区服务中心,刘奇葆听取了服务中心为寺庙僧人提供法律援助、社会保障、民政救助等服务的情况,还走进警务室察看警务、消防、治安等工作情况,看到服务中心墙上公示了寺庙所有僧人的个人信息,刘奇葆嘱咐服务中心的工作人员要进一步加强寺庙的社会化管理和服务,融管理于服务,依法维护寺庙的正常秩序。

刘奇葆还来到格尔登寺的大经堂参观。格尔登寺大经堂装饰精美,中部正佛殿供奉着释迦牟尼、藏传佛教格鲁派创始人宗喀巴大师、第八世格尔登活佛等法座。刘奇葆认真听取格尔登寺的历史传承介绍,他说,藏传佛教历史上许多高僧大德追求真理,严明戒律,驱邪扶正,为藏区发展、民族团结和国家统一作出了重要贡献,希望格尔登寺的僧人继承和弘扬这些高僧大德的优秀品质,拥护共产党领导,拥护社会主义制度,遵守国家法律法规,做经济发展、民族团结、社会和谐、国家统一的维护者和推动者。

为了深入了解格尔登寺管理情况,刘奇葆还与寺管会的主要负责人进行座谈。寺管会负责人洞沟活佛、索朗降木措等介绍了寺庙在当地党委、政府领导下,开展法制宣传教育,推进依法治寺的情况,他们表示十分珍惜现在的稳定局面,一定会认真管好寺庙,教育全寺僧人爱国爱教、遵纪守法。

刘奇葆对近年来格尔登寺的法制宣传教育成效给予肯定,希望寺庙继续努力,把加强寺庙管理的规章制度执行好。刘奇葆说,格尔登寺是一座具有悠久历史的寺庙,寺庙大多数僧人是爱国爱教、持戒守法的,是反对分裂破坏,反对违法犯罪的,这是我们的一个基本判断,也是这座寺庙的前程所在。寺内的一些高僧大德在法制宣传教育中亮明了反对分裂的态度,与国家和人民站在了一边,这将提高他们的威望,也将提高寺庙的威望。

在谈到依法管理寺庙时,刘奇葆说,我们一切依法,法是国家的意志。坚决反对分裂破坏活动和其他各类违法犯罪活动,这是法律的底线,是高压线,谁都不要去碰。寺庙只有守法持戒,走的才是正道,宗教自由才能得到保障,寺庙才有前程。寺庙僧人首先是国家公民,宗教信仰是自由的,但人的行动必须守法,在法律面前人人平等,既没有法外之寺,也没有法外之人。不管地位有多高,不管从事什么职业,都要接受法律的管理,受到法律的制约。格尔登寺的法制宣传教育还任重道远,寺管会要切实负起责任来,继续深化、充实内容,不断完善寺规和依法治寺的办法,服从政府的管理,切实走上依法从事宗教活动的轨道,引导和教育本寺僧人不参与分裂破坏活动,不从事违法犯罪活动,维护格尔登寺的百年历史和形象,维护信教群众心目中的圣洁殿堂。特别是要抵制外部的干扰,真正把寺庙的主持权、领导权掌握在寺管会的手上。

刘奇葆说,寺庙是佛门清净地,要执着地培育祥和之气,让任何人走进这座寺庙,都感觉到一种安静感、祥和感。生命是崇高的,按佛教教义来说就是人生难得,没有任何理由去毁灭一个无辜的生命。寺庙的活佛、经师和年长僧人,要肩负起传道授业的责任和义务,带头坚守教规教义,做到增长智慧,消除无明,启迪和引导后辈僧人学真经、走正道,多做有益于他人的事情,多做有益于社会的事情,多做有益于藏传佛教进步传承的事情,教育他们珍惜万物,珍惜健康,珍惜生命。这是对后辈僧人负责,也是对寺庙负责。 本报记者方小虎

為什麼自焚最先在阿壩?

作者:《中國密報》特約記者方鸣
来源:明镜网 http://city.mirrorbooks.com/news/html/40/n-75140.html

  在100起藏人自焚事件中,3起發生在境外,其餘的97起發生在中國境內,其中西藏8起、甘肅19起、青海25起、四川45起。而在四川發生的45起中,就有39起發生在阿壩。

  為什麼自焚最先發生在阿壩,阿壩成為藏人自焚的中心?李江琳認為“因為那裡的藏人在近代史上遭受外族的壓迫最重,在中共建政過程中遭受的迫害最深,他們的反抗最激烈,受到的鎮壓和殺戮也最為血腥和殘酷。”

  李江琳在一篇文章中指出,該州寺院必須遵守的條例有《國務院宗教事務條例》(47條)、《藏傳佛教活佛轉世管理辦法》(14條)、《境內外國人宗教活動管理規定》(13條)、《藏傳佛教寺廟管理辦法》(43條)、《宗教教職人員備案辦法》(16條)、《宗教活動場所財務監督管理辦法(試行)》(40條)、《四川省宗教事務條例》(59條)、《阿壩藏族羌族自治州宗教事務條例》(65條)、《阿壩藏族羌族自治州藏傳佛教事務管理暫行辦法》(59條)等。這些條例不算細則就有356條之多,其中為藏傳佛教“定身製作”的條例有116條,這還不算相關法規和各縣的“土政策”。

  此外,還有許多不公開的“紅頭文件”。比方說“國辦發[1991]39號文件“規定活佛”可以轉世,不可全轉,從嚴掌握”。根據這份內部文件的指示,青海省規定“活佛轉世工作在黨和政府的領導下進行”,除上述3條原則,還增加了“控制總量”,明確提出“轉世活佛總量不超過1958年後去世活佛數的三分之一”。至於轉世靈童的審批權,則由“內部掌握”。

  除了幾百條公開“條例”和無法統計的內部規定,寺院還被各種公開和秘密、永久性和臨時性的“有關部門”控制。阿壩州的“藏傳佛教事務管理暫行辦法”規定,該條例由州、縣兩級公安、國土、建設、教育、外事等24個部門共同實施。此外還有諸如“活佛轉世工作領導小組”、“對達賴集團鬥爭領導小組”一類部門。除了通過公開條例和內部指令,以及形形色色的“部門”之外,寺院事無鉅細都在管制範圍內。青海果洛州的條例不僅規定各級政府“定期對藏傳佛教寺院廣播電視、互聯網、印刷品和音像製品等進行監督檢查”,連懸掛經幡也要經過批准。此外,除了州、縣之外,寺院所在的鄉鎮必須成立“群眾監督評議委員會”,再加上寺管會,寺院被重重條例和“有關部門”五花大綁,僧人的一舉一動都在層層監督下。

  李江琳的研究發現,阿壩州對僧人的限制極其嚴苛。有心深造的僧人必須“持屬地鄉(鎮)人民政府批准函件和寺管會介紹信逐級申報。跨鄉(鎮)學經的,經縣佛教協會同意,報縣宗教事務部門備案;跨縣學經的,經州佛教協會同意,報州宗教事務部門備案;跨州學經的,按規定審批。”但同時又規定寺廟“接收外來學經人員不得超過寺廟定員人數的7%。其中,州外學經人員不得超過寺廟定員人數的3%。”如果到境外學習,則“寺管會必須禁止非法出境迴流人員入寺”。這3條規定基本上杜絕了僧人深造的可能性。自1990年代以來,每年逃到印度去的人中,將近一半是僧尼,且以安多、康區為主,足以說明這些地區宗教狀況的惡劣。

  此外,阿壩州《藏傳佛教事務管理暫行辦法》第35條規定,寺院“出現利用宗教進行滲透破壞、分裂國家和影響社會穩定活動”,則由縣宗教部門撤銷登記並終止寺管會,並派工作組整頓寺廟,在此期間“寺廟停止一切佛事活動。縣佛教協會取消組織、參與活動僧人的宗教教職人員資格”。李江琳認為,這是一條“連坐法”:寺院只要有一名僧人抗議,整個寺院都會遭到懲罰。很明顯,2008年之後,阿壩格爾登寺就處於這樣的狀況。自焚僧人中有兩名是該寺“前僧人”,應該就是這項條例的結果。

  除了上述控制之外,退休藏人幹部一位藏人幹部羅楓的一封公開信也有助於瞭解阿壩藏人自焚的特殊背景。羅楓在2012年2月發出了《他一到阿壩就帶來了天災與人禍》的公開信,舉報原阿壩州州委書記、剛升任四川省省長助理、四川省公安廳廳長兼武警四川省總隊第一政委侍俊,點名直指他在“官場上搞權術,經濟上摻假水,文化上搞摧毀,信仰上搞強制,這一切都是為他自己上省級領導而服務……”

  公開信引用民間話說批判侍俊以極左思想和所言所行製造人禍。有人說他是“魔主”,為使自己陞官,把小事搞大,好撈功勞,把寺廟護法神殿中的爛槍鏽刀(千百年來藏區有放下屠刀把刀槍交給寺院表示不再作惡的習俗)論為反共藏獨用具。民間比喻說:三步一崗五步一哨的做法好像是伊拉克,工作組人員比和尚還多的做法好像是文革,老百姓在槍口下生活的做法好像利比亞。並且表示,只要侍俊的思想不變,方法不變,感情不變,態度不變,繼續粗造行事,阿壩難以安寧,寺廟難以祥和。

  這封公開信說,“民間有種說法,說阿壩縣的維穩工作交給兩個‘瘋子’管,越管越瘋。一個是嚴春風副州長,是5.12後我州招考的城市規劃人才,他對民族地區一無所知,對宗教政策和問題一片空白,對藏區百姓毫無感情,對藏族語言更是純屬無知,因此,他管維穩純屬瞎指揮,洋相百出,越說越瓜,越幹越亂。另一個‘瘋子’是劉峰,格爾登寺管理處處長,也和春風一樣一片空白,只會算計不會安撫。”

  此外,公開信還提到侍俊“提羌打藏”的用人方法,把對3.14打砸份子的恨轉移到藏族幹部和百姓身上,整下課了一批幹部,涼拌了一批幹部,同時扶持和培養了一批羌幹充實到各縣和各單位,全然忘記了59%藏族、18%羌族的州情,就像是忘記了94%的漢族是中國的國情一樣。

  公開信特別提到侍俊對藏人文化的破壞,並說“提羌打藏”的最大表現也在這上面。首先是把州委、政府分管文化教育的安排為兩個羌族,州委陳鋼,州政府劉文芝,在他們的精心安排下,撤併轉了一批藏區中小學,安排許多學生到茂縣羌區學習。侍俊和谷運龍還把草地人和馬爾康中等民族師範學校列為最不穩定的人群和學校,維穩大會小會指出來說,雖說有事實依據,但他們的負面情緒極大地影響了民族關係,在一定程度上製造了藏羌矛盾。藏族人變成州裡千夫所指的人群,就像一度在內地大城市里出現過的畏藏、歧藏事件一樣,阿壩州的幹部群眾對藏區和藏人的這種畏、歧指向也非常明顯,沒有原則和沒有感情的非藏幹部對州裡的敏感事件的反應是“燒光才好’”、“全部槍斃”之類。藏羌民族幹部利益分割勢力突出,民族矛盾深化。

    這封公開信也提到了藏人自焚,“我們州稱之為‘燒烤’的事件依然不絕,而且越來越多,由和尚發展為尼姑,由僧侶發展為一般俗人。”並且提到“沒有原則和沒有感情的非藏幹部對州裡的敏感事件的反應是‘燒光才好’‘全部槍斃’之類。”(《中國密報》第五期)

格尔登仁波切在美国国会就西藏处境发表演说

作者:格尔登仁波切
来源:http://woeser.middle-way.net/2011/11/blog-post_06.html

今天,在这里本人要作的报告是,就西藏(包括康区和安多)历史而言,西藏是一个独立自主的国家。 然而,由于种种历史原因,整个西藏在中国共产党的统治下已度过了半个多世纪后的今天,西藏民族与中共当权派之间的矛盾日趋严重。不难看出其主要原因是,从前,共产党所谓“和平解放西藏和援助西藏”的根本宗旨已消失得无影无踪了。反而,一个强大民族对一个弱小民族采取高压政策日益显得公开化。对于这种严重问题中央政府却视而不见,听而不闻。截至目前没有做过任何积极的改变。从而使当地政府工作人员肆无忌惮地使用强权来压迫西藏民族,限制其宗教信仰自由,抢占民众财产,随心所欲依靠武力镇压,穷兵黩武,动费万计。当权者每说一句话都成为中国法律,而所谓法律惩罚成为他们的摇钱树。因是之故,对公道已彻底绝望的状况下,导致新一代西藏人斩木为旗,揭竿而起。

虽然,藏区设有自治区、自治州、自治县、甚至民族乡等特殊行政区域。从理论上给予了自治,但实际不用说自治,甚至一个普通汉人具有的基本权利的一半,藏民族却无法享受。怀有大汉族主义情绪者把藏民族逼到了无法容忍的地步。无论有没有知识才能,只要是个汉族就被认同为高一等级,也似乎与当权者同位。如果身份是藏人,那末,身为中国政府公务员,甚至是共产党员,是干部,共产党就不信任他们。这就表现了民族间的不平等。尊者达赖喇嘛所提出的“中间道路”是中藏双方互惠互利的无上策略,假如中国政府早已采纳,现在藏汉之间就像七世纪松赞岗布在位时的甥舅关系一样,藏汉民族处于相互尊重,和平共处的境地。

平心而论,真正搞分裂活动的是那些持有大汉族主义情绪的中共地方当权者,他们美化总结报告,一次又一次地欺骗中央政府。这一问题连前中共总书记胡耀邦也曾经提到过。对整个藏区,尤其是最近与我有着特殊关系的安多阿坝地区,中共实施了错误的高压政策,这已成为有目共睹的事实。下面我向诸位对这方面作个简要报告。首先,在阿坝州所有藏人原有的心理伤口处,再次造成了难以抚平的伤痕。这长达三代人的创伤是无法愈合的。

一、第一代藏人的心理伤痕

对整个藏区来说,早在中国共产党的红军在长征时期,第一次向外侵略的地方便是安多的阿坝地区。新中国政府还没有成立之前的1935年,红军长征的部队第一次到达安多阿坝地区时,在黑水有两千多僧人的大寺院拉当寺被毁坏了。到毛尔盖地区时,杀害了许多平民和僧侣。在毛尔盖大寺,中国红军召开了毛尔盖会议。红军到嘉绒觉孜、姜觉、佳普大仓寺等地时,抢夺了民众和寺院的财物和粮食,导致西藏(包括康区和安多)历史上的第一次饥荒。这期间西藏许多民众只能靠树叶来维持生命。嘉绒觉孜王和麦吾王,以及许多地方武装虽然进行了一系列自卫战,但最后在寡不敌众的情况下以失败告终。当时中国红军杀了不少藏人,如:阿坝格尔登寺的第34任堪布塔克的胞弟和恰才秃头为主的许多藏人死于非命。位于嘉绒的格尔登母寺和查理寺,还有东日寺都遭到了严重的抢劫和毁坏。当时红军总司令朱德和他的军队都住在阿坝格尔登寺的大殿内,该寺的许多佛像被遭到了毁损,当地老百姓的财产和土地也遭到抢劫和占用。通过这些野蛮行为,藏人认识到红军是个不信仰宗教,而且任意抢夺糟蹋老百姓生命财产的盗匪。毛泽东在红军长征途中看到藏区辽阔富饶的江河草原时,早就产生了侵占的欲望。所以中共政府成立后的第二年,毛泽东就派遣十八军进攻西藏,给当时的藏人心中造成了无法愈合的伤痕。这是给第一代藏人留下无法愈合的心理伤痕。

二、第二代藏人的心理伤痕

1958年中国共产党在阿坝地区开始搞所谓“民主改革”。1966年掀起“文化大革命”。在这些先后掀起的不同运动中,成千上万的藏人有的被抓,有的被遭到蹂躏,还有的被杀害。如;由于无法忍受中共的折磨,麦吾王华功成列饶杰跳江自尽。共产党实行灭绝藏人政策后,阿坝地区以晋美桑旦活佛为主的数以百计的僧俗藏人遭到了杀害。这期间,阿坝地区一个寺院都没有留下,全遭毁灭,甚至藏语地名和人名都改成了汉语名,实行了一系列可怕的宗教文化毁灭政策。另外,中共还滥开发矿产和森林资源。阿坝地区是个森林资源极其丰富的地方,中共在这里砍伐原始森林长达数十年。如今泥石流,山体滑坡,洪灾等自然灾害接连不断。这种野蛮行为,对所谓五星红旗飘扬下成长的第二代藏人心中留下了难以愈合的伤痕。

三、第三代藏人的心理伤痕

1998年,中共在阿坝地区各寺院强制性地展开了所谓“爱国爱教运动”。同年4月27日,印度首都新德里民族英雄图登欧珠为西藏人民的自由而自焚身亡。虽然汉地的寺院和学校可以继续发展,可是,于2003年至2008年间属于格尔登寺的僧侣小学相继关门。这些学校共有僧侣学生1200名。还有汶才小学和卡西希望小学等私办小学直接由政府接管。

特别是2008年3月16日,以阿坝格尔登寺僧侣为主的藏人民众走上街头进行和平示威时,共产党的武装部队立即把枪口对准了民众,当时有23名藏人被军警射杀。格尔登寺被军警的严密包围下,与外界失去了联系,寺院变成了监狱。从那时起,中共在阿坝县增建了5所兵营。近期,根据美国纽约人权研究组织的报导,中共对阿坝地区的维稳费用已达整个四川省的两倍多。目前,有5万多名中共军警驻扎阿坝州。

自从2008年3月20日起,对阿坝格尔登寺的僧人分成8个组,不分昼夜地强制进行“爱国爱教”教育。军警随时搜查寺院所有僧舍;抢夺僧人的计算机;还把藏人心目中至高无上的神圣经典用刀割成两半;强迫让僧侣糟蹋达赖喇嘛的照片。对寺院僧侣不分昼夜地进行监督;一次性抓捕100名僧侣后进行殴打审讯。在寺院的护法神佛堂内,从前打猎者经过盟誓后交给寺院的猎枪(一般都是破旧的原始土枪和刀具),中共便说成是反抗共产党用的武器,从而向媒体大力作宣传。阿坝格尔登寺的2名僧侣,东日寺和各莫寺各1名僧侣,因无法承受心理上的恐惧和肉体上的折磨,最后悬梁自尽在各自家中。阿坝格尔登寺一位70高龄的僧侣,也因无法承受种种折磨而发心脏病死亡。军警随意下令禁止寺院的各项佛事活动,格尔登主寺及所有下属寺院一年一度的辩经活动亦被禁止了。各县之间的佛事活动也加以严防。还下令在阿坝地区不允许藏人过藏历新年。

2009年2月27日,阿坝格尔登寺27岁僧侣扎白,毅然用自焚方式表达对现行政策不满。当时武警不但没有灭火救人,反而开枪打伤僧侣扎白后抓捕。目前,僧侣扎白仍然不知下落。

2011年3月16日,阿坝格尔登寺20岁僧侣洛桑彭措自焚身亡后,格尔登寺再次被中共军警武装镇压。整个格尔登寺周围围住了扎丝,封锁寺院长达7个月。这期间格尔登寺似乎成了监狱,军警不分昼夜地实行监控。寺院僧侣分成55个组,中共当局的800多名工作人员驻扎在寺内,给僧人不择手段的进行所谓的法律宣传和爱国爱教教育。这期间因寺院内外严厉封锁,有些僧侣断炊长达三天。目前,寺院周围新建了许多公安办公用房。还安置了许多监视器和录音机来监控每个僧侣的一举一动。武警官兵随时突袭僧舍,无故进行搜查和审讯。军警在搜查时,损坏僧舍门窗、地板等,并无故殴打僧侣。甚至放警犬咬人,强夺民众财产等无恶不作,任意妄为蹂躏民众。当所谓的法律宣传和爱国爱教教育没有达到他们预期的目的时,便开始威胁寺院僧侣。民众处处生活在恐惧和不安之中。

2011年4月21日夜晚,许多特种部队突然袭击格尔登寺,一夜之间逮捕了300名僧侣,这些僧侣不知去向。藏人儿童不允许出家,僧侣还俗加以奖赏,并威胁到“出家人名额和寺院是否要毁灭,全在你们手里。”逼迫僧侣选择死神。

2011年8月15日,西藏道孚县僧侣次旺诺布抗议中共的高压政策而自焚身亡,2011年9月26日阿坝格尔登寺18岁僧人洛桑噶桑(上述自焚身亡的僧侣洛桑彭措的弟弟)和18岁左右的僧侣洛桑贡求一同自焚;2011年10月3日,阿坝格尔登寺17岁僧侣格桑旺秋亦自焚;2011年10月7日,19岁的阿坝上塔哇金日家儿子—曲培(曾是阿坝格尔登寺的僧侣)自焚;年18岁的阿坝上塔瓦松波家的儿子—卡央(曾是阿坝格尔登寺的僧侣)自焚;2011年10月15日,年19岁的阿坝索日玛村班马家儿子-诺布占堆(曾是阿坝格尔登寺的僧侣)自焚;2011年10月17日,阿坝县尼姑寺(玛姆寺)阿尼拉丹增旺姆自焚;2011年10月25日,康区甘孜寺僧侣达哇才让等在走投无路之下,抗议中共政府而自焚身亡。上述这些民族英雄,他们用年轻的生命来唤醒中共政府,并让全世界了解藏民族的苦难出境。

2011年8月29日,先烈洛桑彭措的叔叔,阿坝格尔登寺46岁的僧侣罗桑尊追,以洛桑彭措死亡事件负法律责任为借口,判了有期徒刑11年。8月30日,对22岁的阿坝格尔登寺僧侣罗桑丹增(亦称丹增甲莫卡),以杀人同伙罪为借口,被判了有期徒刑13年。21岁的阿坝格尔登寺僧侣罗桑丹增(娜丹)以杀人同犯为借口,被判了有期徒刑10年。2011年9月5日,30岁的阿坝格尔登寺僧侣才科,及22岁的僧侣罗桑达吉两人分别判了有期徒刑两年零6个月。16岁的阿坝格尔登寺僧侣,多吉被判了有期徒刑3年。以上这些被判刑的僧侣,在没有任何司法程序的情况下被判刑的。不用说象其它国家那样,有辩护律师为他们提供辩护,甚至对他们的判刑之事也是后来才让外人知道的。像这种不公道,且无任何司法程序的判刑方式,实在让人感到可悲又可恨。

自从2008年3月至2011年10月17日,在阿坝藏区肆意杀害和殴打致死的,因无法承受身心压力及折磨而导致死亡的,以及为藏民族的自由而自焚身亡者共达34人。被捕人数达619人(这里面不包括一次性被逮捕的阿坝格尔登寺300名僧侣),其中已被判刑的人数108人。上述被捕、判刑、自焚的大多数属于僧侣,其中也有在家众20名,包括藏人作家、学校教师以及编辑人员。

总而言之,西藏僧俗民众中,尤其是在五星红旗下成长的年轻人,因中共的高压政策,把他们逼上梁山。他们认为自焚是表达对共产党不满情绪的最佳方式。在他们即将结束宝贵生命的最后时刻,宁愿自焚身亡,也不愿意伤害到任何一个汉人及其他们的财产。这些可歌可泣的英雄们的最后呼声是,“让达赖喇嘛返回西藏!西藏人民需要自由!西藏需要宗教信仰自由!”等等。高呼这些口号的勇士行列中多数已壮烈牺牲,一些活着的人仍然不知下落。这些和平示威后不知下落的藏人,如果他们还在世,还有一口气。那么,在此强烈呼吁社会各界,希望尽快拯救他们。

年初,开始镇压阿坝格尔登寺时,尊者达赖喇嘛为主的许多爱好和平者,包括政府、团体、以及个人向中共当局作出立刻停止镇压,尽快以和平谈判的方式解决藏汉问题的呼吁。然而,共产党不但没有采纳,反而继续以武力镇压,导致自焚事件不断增加。如果未来继续以武力镇压西藏人民,这对于藏汉民族来说,只能加深彼此间的矛盾,甚至可以说后患无穷。反过来讲,停止武力镇压;停止一切不人道的粗暴行为,是通往和平的唯一途径。为了藏汉民族和平共处,最近,我以个人的名义不仅作了一些力所能及的事,也提出过一些议案。在此根据与我有着特殊关系的西藏同胞们的愿望,我愿意做一些对双方都有益的事。因此,他们希望中国政府允许让我回国探望,我个人也曾多次向中国政府提出申请,但至今尚未得到任何正面响应。

眼下,新一代西藏人通过自焚来表达西藏人民的苦难处境,他们选择这种方式向全球热爱和平的国家及其人民,以及各人权组织为中心,对爱好和平的所有人士表达我们的心声。并呼吁中国政府,依靠武力治国是无法持久的,为了真正实现胡锦涛主席所提出的“建立和谐社会”的愿望,这就需要立即启动中藏和谈,消除藏汉民族间不必要的疑虑,建立相互信赖和平共处的环境。并让国际自由组织和无国界记者进入安多阿坝地区展开调查。

诸位所给予的无上支持必定将成为激发境内外藏人的主要动力。在此,我代表整个藏人尤其与本人有着特殊关系的僧俗同胞,把他们的呼声转达给你们,这也是我义不容辞的责任。

谢谢大家!

格尔登仁波切:洛桑丹增晋美•益西嘉措

于2011年11月02日